Waples v. United States, 110 U.S. 630
Case details
Bluebook Citation
Waples v. United States, 110 U.S. 630
Full caption
WAPLES v. UNITED STATES.
Country
United States
Jurisdiction
Federal
Court
Supreme Court of the United States
WAPLES v. UNITED STATES.
APPEAL FROM THE COURT OF CLAIMS.
Argued January 2d, 1884.—Decided March 3d, 1884.
Confiscation—Deed—Judicial Sale. In a sale under the Confiscation Act, of July 17th, 1862, 12 Stat. 589, the pur-
chaser is presumed to know that if the offender had no estate in the premises at the time of seizure, nothing passed to the United States by decree or to him by purchase, and general language of description in his deed will not operate as a warranty or affect this presumption ; and this rule prevails as to the United States, although a different rule may prevail in the State where the property is situated as to judicial sales under State laws.
Mr. C. IK Hornor and Mr. Mason Day for appellant.
Mr. Solicitor-General for appellee submitted the case on his brief.
Mr . Jus ti ce Fiel d delivered the opinion of the court.
In March, 1865, the plaintiff purchased for the sum of $7,400 p. 631certain real property in New Orleans at a sale upon a decree rendered by the District Court of the United States in proceedings for its confiscation under the act of July 17th, 1862, and subsequently obtained a deed of the property from the marshal. The proceedings were instituted in the usual form by a libel of information filed on the 7th of August, 1862, by the district attorney of the Eastern District of Louisiana on behalf of the United States, against ten lots of ground alleged to be the property of Charles M. Conrad. The libel sets forth that the marshal of the district, under authority from the district attorney, given pursuant to instructions of the Attorney-General, had seized the lots of ground, which are fully described, as forfeited to the United States; that they were owned by Conrad then, and on the 17th of July, 1862, and previously; that after that date he had acted as an officer of the army or navy of the rebels in arms against the government of the United States, or as a member of Congress, or as a judge of a court, or as a cabinet officer, or as a foreign minister, or as a commissioner, or as a consul of the so-called Confederate States. Indeed, many other official positions he is charged in the alternative with holding, the district attorney evidently regarding him as a person of so much consequence that he must have been called to some official position by the Confederate government, in which he gave aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States, and therefore his right, title, and estate in the property was forfeited, and ought to be condemned. Publication of monition followed, and nd one appearing to answer, judgment by default was entered, declaring that the lots of land, the property of Conrad, were condemned as forfeited to the United States, and a decree for their sale was entered. In the writ issued to the marshal and in his deed of sale, the lots are described as the property of Conrad. Under the act of Congress no other interest than that of Conrad was forfeited, and no other interest was sold. It was for his alleged offences that the libel was filed and the forfeiture sought. It was undoubtedly in the power of Congress to provide for the confiscation of the entire property as being within the enemy’s country, without restricting it to the estate of the defendant, but Congress p. 632did not see fit to so enact; and as we said in speaking of the proceedings in this case: “ The court cannot enlarge the operations of the stringent provisions of the statute. The plaintiff had notice of the character and legal effect of the decree of condemnation when he purchased, and is therefore presumed to have known that if the alleged offender possessed no estate in the premises at the time of their seizure, nothing passed to the United States by the decree or to him by his purchase.” Burbank, v. Conrad, 96 U. S. 291.
This would be true with reference to any layman who might have been the purchaser, but with special force may it be applied to the plaintiff, who as the district attorney directed the seizure and conducted the proceedings to the decree.
It turned out in other litigation that at the time of the seizure Conrad possessed no estate in the premises. He had transferred the property by a public act of sale before a notary on the 31st of May, 1862, before the confiscation statute was passed, which applied only to the property of persons thereafter guilty of acts of disloyalty and treason. In express terms it withheld from its application the property of persons who before its passage may have offended in those respects. Conrad’s power of disposition when he made his sale to his sons was not impaired by anything he may previously have done. This was expressly adjudged by this court in the case of Conrad, the son, against the plaintiff. 96 U. S. 279.
But because of the general language used in the description of the property in the libel of infornlation and in the deed of the marshal, it is contended that something more than the estate of the offender Conrad was warranted by the United States to the purchaser, and the warranty having failed, that he is entitled to a return of the purchase money; but this position is without even plausible foundation. As already stated, the plaintiff was presumed to know the law on the subject, and that by his purchase under the decree he could only acquire such an estate as the alleged offender possessed, to hold during the offender’s life; and that if the offender had no estate none was forfeited to the United States, or sold under the decree of the court. So no false assurance could have been made to the purchaser which p. 633could, be suggested, as a possible ground, for the return of the money; nor could there have been any mistake of fact which would be recognized as a ground, for relief even in equity, for the fact suggested as having been misunderstood was declared by the law.
Besides, the title to the property sold under judicial process is not warranted by the party obtaining the judgment of the court. Whatever title the law gives, the purchaser takes, no more and no less; and he must govern himself accordingly. Any different rule prevailing on this subject in Louisiana or any other State by statute cannot change the position of the United States with respect to judicial sales in proceedings instituted by them.
Nor is this position at all affected by the doctrine that upon the reversal of a judgment under which a sale has been had, the purchaser is entitled to a return of his money. There has been no reversal of the judgment in the confiscation proceedings against Conrad. On the contrary, it has been affirmed.
Judgment affirmed.
MITCHELL & Another v. CLARK.
IN ERROR TO THE SUPREME COURT OF THE STATE OF 'MISSOURI.
Argued December 14th, 17th, 1883.—Decided March 3d, 1884.
Jurisdiction—Limitations, Statute of.
When a defendant in a suit pending in a State court pleads a provision of the State constitution as a defence, a judgment there overruling the plea presents no federal question to give jurisdiction to this court. Congress has the constitutional power to prescribe the law of limitations for
suits which may by law be removed into the courts of the United States ; and when Congress has exercised that power it is binding upon State courts as well as upon Federal courts.. Arnson v. Murphy, 109 U. S. 238, approved. A suit by a lessor to recover of a lessee rents which, during the rebellion, by
order of the commanding general in the department where the property was situated, had been paid to the military authorities and appropriated to the use of the United States, is an action subject to the limitations prescribed by the Act of March 3d, 1863, 12 Stat. 755, and May 11th, 1866,14 Stat. 46,
for the commencement of suits for seizures made during the rebellion by virtue or under color of authority derived from or exercised under the President or under any act of Congress. Harrison v. Myer, 92 U. S. Ill, cited and approved. In a plea setting up the defence of the limitations prescribed by the statutes
of March 3d, 1863, 12 Stat. 755, and May 11th, 1856, 14 Stat. 46, it is not ; necessary to set forth the language of the order of the commanding general.
This case distinguished from Bean v. Beckwith, 18 Wall. 510.
This was a writ of error to the Supreme Court of Missouri.
The plaintiff below sued the plaintiffs in error for rent due on a lease of two storehouses in St. Louis for the months of August, September, and October, 1862, at the rate of $583.33 per month. The defendants answered with four pleas, as follows :
“ And now come said defendants, by leave of court, for amended answer to plaintiff’s petition, admit the execution of said lease and the occupancy of said premises under and by virtue of the same as alleged in said petition; and defendants say that after the making of said lease, to wit, on or about the first of May, a .d . 1861, certain evil-disposed and wicked persons in the State of Missouri, and in other of the United States, did raise an insurrection and rebellion against the lawful government of the United States, and did seek by force and arms to overthrow said government, and for this purpose did raise a large force of armed men, and did incite and carry on a civil war with said government of the United States ; that during all the year, 1862, and for a long time prior and subsequent thereto, civil war prevailed throughout the State of Missouri, where said premises were located and where defendants and plaintiff resided; that in order to suppress said insurrection and rebellion and maintain the lawful authority of the government of the United States said government was compelled to raise, and did raise, equip, and put into the field in said State of Missouri, where said war was raging, a large army, and did place said State of Missouri and the city of St. Loftis, where said premises were located and defendants resided, under military law ; and the said city and county of St. Louis were under military law, and under the military control of J. M. Schofield, a Major-General of the Army of the United States, as the military commander of the District of Missouri, which embraced the entire p. 635State of Missouri aforesaid ; that by reason of said civil war the courts of said State of Missouri were suspended and unable to perforin their ordinary functions and administer the law of the land, except as they were protected and allowed to do so by the said military authorities thus in control of said State ; that in order to prosecute said civil war on behalf of the government of the United States, and put down and suppress said insurrection and rebellion, and overpower the insurgents and rebels and protect the loyal citizens of the said State of Missouri, it became and was necessary for the military authorities in control of said State of Missouri as aforesaid to take, seize, and appropriate to the public use the private property of the citizens of Missouri ; and the said military authorities who were in lawful command and control in said State, by order of said Schofield, then the lawful commanding general in said State, did seize and appropriate to the public use in suppressing said rebellion the private property of divers citizens of said State, and among other things did levy upon, seize, and appropriate to such public use the property, credits, and effects of said plaintiff, especially the rents due and owing from defendants under and by virtue of said lease of defendants in their hands for said months of August, September, and October, 1862 ; and the said defendants were compelled by the overpowering military force then in lawful control of said State to pay, and did pay long before the commencement of this suit, to wit, on or about the 24th day of November, 1862, the said rents for said months of August, September, and October, 1862, and every part thereof, to said military authorities, for and on account and as the property and effects of said plaintiff so seized and appropriated to the public use as aforesaid; that said seizure and appropriation were necessary means for carrying on said war for the suppression of said insurrection and rebellion and for the defence and protection of the loyal citizens of Missouri. Wherefore defendants say that plaintiff ought not to have or maintain his aforesaid action against them, and they pray judgment, &c.
“ And for a further defence defendants say that the said rents reserved in said lease and due and owing for said months of August, September, and October, 1862, were seized in the hands of defendants and appropriated as the property of plaintiff for public use in the city of St. Louis, while said city was under military law, under the authority, or color of authority, exercised by said p. 636General Schofield, who was then and there duly vested with the military command of said city by the President of the United States and under his authority, and said payment was made by defendants for and on account of plaintiff, as aforesaid, under said authority; and defendants plead and set up as a defence to this action the act of Congress entitled ‘ An Act relating to habeas corpus, and regulating judicial proceedings in certain cases, approved March 3d, 1863, and say that by reason thereof and of the payment aforesaid plaintiff ought not to have and to maintain this action, and they pray judgment, &c.
“ And for a further defence defendants say that they paid the said rent for and on account of said plaintiff in the manner and for the purposes in their first plea hereinbefore stated, after the first day of January, 1861, by and in pursuance of orders received by them from the said General J. M. Schofield, who was vested with military authority by the said government of the United States to make said order and to seize and to apply to the public use the said property and effects and credits of said plaintiff; and defendants plead in bar of said action the fourth section of article eleven of the Constitution of the State of Missouri, and pray judgment, &c.
“ And for a further defence to said action defendants say that the cause of action in plaintiff’s petition alleged, if any such does or ever did exist, arose out of certain acts done, that is to say, out of or from an alleged failure or omission to pay the rent reserved in said lease for the months of August, September, and October, a . d . 1862, to the said plaintiff, and from a payment thereof made for and on account of plaintiff by defendants to the provost-marshal of said district of Missouri, for the public use, under and by virtue of the order and command of General J. M. Schofield, who was then in military command of the military district of Missouri, which embraced the State of Missouri; that said payment was omitted to be paid to the plaintiff, and was in fact made for and on account of the plaintiff, for the public use as aforesaid, as a necessary means of carrying on the military opeiations of the government of the United States against the insurgents, who were then seeking to overthrow said government in said State of Missouri, by virtue or under color of authority derived from and exercised under the President of the United States ; and said cause of action, if any such there be or ever p. 637was, arose more than two years before the commencement of this action, and said action was commenced more than two years after the passage of an act by the Congress of the United States entitled, ‘An Act relating to habeas corpus, and regulating judicial proceedings in certain cases,’ approved March 3d, 1863.
“And defendants set up and plead the limitations contained in said statute in bar of said actions and pray judgment.”
To these defences the plaintiff demurred, and the demurrer was sustained in the court of original jurisdiction, and in the St. Louis Court of Appeals, as to the three first pleas and overruled as to the fourth. On appeal to the Supreme Court, however, the demurrer was sustained as to all the pleas, and judgment being rendered on that ruling for plaintiff in the court below and affirmed in the Supreme Court, this writ of error was sued out.
Mr. George P. Strong for appellants.
Mr. George F. Edmunds for appellee.
Mr . Jus ti ce Mill er delivered the opinion of the court. After reciting the facts in the foregoing language, he continued :
The first of these defences is intended to assert the validity of the military order by which defendants under compulsion of that order paid the rent which as tenants of Clark they then owed to him, into the military chest of General Schofield, and that said order being lawful and valid is a full protection to them and a bar to this action.
We shall not undertake to decide in this case whether General Schofield had such authority as would make that payment a discharge of the debt or not.
The third plea, conceding that the order of General Schofield may not of itself be a sufficient defence to the action, invokes the aid of the fourth section of article eleven of the Constitution of the State of Missouri as making the facts set out in the first plea a good defence.
The language of this section is as follows:
“No person shall be prosecuted in any civil action or criminal proceeding for or on account of any act by him done, performed, or executed after the first day of January, 1861, by virtue of military authority vested in him by the government of the United States or that of this State to do such act, or in pursuance of orders received by him from any person vested with such authority ; and if any action or proceeding shall heretofore have been or shall hereafter be instituted against any person for the doing of any such act, the defendant may plead this section in bar thereof.”
This constitutional provision was adopted in 1865, and was clearly intended to protect the military officers or those acting under them from liability, civil or criminal, for acts done under their orders. Whether it covers the present case or not is not a question within our province to decide. The plea is made in a State court and sets up a defence under the State law, and however much the party may be aggrieved by that court’s decision he in that plea sets up an immunity under a State law and not under the law of the United States. Of such matter this court has no jurisdiction, and we consider it no further.
The second and fourth pleas both set up the act of March 3d, 1863, 12 Stat. 755, as a defence; the second plea relying upon the fourth section of the act as a full defence to any suit at all in such case as the present, and the fourth plea setting up the specific defence of the statute of limitation found in the 7th section of that act.
The fourth section is as follows:
“ That any order of the President, or under his authority, made at any time during the existence of. the present rebellion, shall be a defence in all courts to any action or prosecution, civil or criminal, pending or to be commenced, for any search, seizure, arrest, or imprisonment, made, done, or committed, or acts omitted to be done under and by virtue of such order, or under color of any law of Congress, and such defence may be made by special plea or under the general issue.”
And the seventh section declares:
“ That no suit or prosecution, civil or criminal, shall be p. 639maintained for any arrest or imprisonment made, or other trespasses or wrongs done or committed, or act omitted to be done, at any time during the present rebellion, by virtue or under color of any authority derived from or exercised by or under the President of the United States, or by or under any act of Congress, unless the same shall have been commenced within two years next after such arrest, imprisonment, trespass, or wrong may have been done or committed, or act may have been omitted to have been done ; Provided, That in no case shall the limitation herein provided commence to run until the passage of this act, so that no party shall, by virtue of this act, be debarred of his remedy by suit or prosecution until two years from and after the passage of this act.”
The act of May 11th, 1866, to amend this act, 14 U. S. Stat. 46, by its first section declares that the benefit of this defence shall extend to any acts done or omitted to be done during said rebellion by any officer or person, under and by virtue of any order, written or verbal, general or special, issued by the President or Secretary of War, or by any military officer of the United States holding command of the department, district or place within which such acts . . . were done or omitted to be done, either by the person or officer to whom the order was addressed, or for whom it was intended.
The act of 1863 also makes elaborate provision for the removal of this class of cases, including any act done under color of authority derived from the President, from a State court into a Federal court, which provision is also made more effectual by the act of 1866.
It is not at all difficult to discover the purpose of all this legislation.
Throughout a large part of the theatre of the civil war the officers of the army, as well as many civil officers, were engaged in the discharge of very delicate duties among a class of people who, while asserting themselves to be citizens of the United States, were intensely hostile to the government, and were ready and anxious at all times, though professing to be non-combatants, to render every aid in their power to those engaged in active efforts to overthrow the government and destroy the Union.
For this state of things Congress had provided no adequate legislation, no law by which the powers of these officers were so enlarged as to enable them to deal with this class of persons dwelling in the midst of those who were loyal to the government.
Some statutes were passed after delay of a general character, but it was. seen that many acts had probably been done by these officers in defence of the life of the nation for which no authority of law could be found, though the purpose was good and the act a necessity.
For most of these acts there was constitutional power in Congress to have authorized them if it had acted in the matter in advance. It is possible that in a few cases, for acts performed in haste and in the presence of an overpowering emergency, there was no constitutional power anywhere to make them good.
But who was to determine this question ? and for service so rendered to the government by its own officers and by men acting under the compulsory power of these officers could Congress grant no relief ?
That an act passed after the event, which in effect ratifies what has been done, and declares that no suit shall be sustained against the party acting under color of authority, is valid, so far as Congress could have conferred such authority before, admits of no reasonable doubt. These are ordinary acts of indemnity passed by all governments when the occasion requires it.
In the legislation to which we have referred in the act of 1863, and the amendatory act of 1866, Congress seems to have well considered this subject. By the fourth section of the act of 1863 it undoubtedly intended to afford an absolute defence, as far as it had power to do so, in this class of cases.
By sections five and six it was enacted that the person sued for any of this class of acts, performed or omitted under orders of officers of the government, even when there was only color of authority, could, instead of having his case tried in a State court, where both court and jury might be prejudiced against him, remove his case into a court of the United States for trial.
That this act is constitutional, so far as it authorizes this removal, was settled in the case, of The Mayor v. Cooper, 6 Wall. 247.
The defendant, however, for some reason did not attempt to remove this case into the Circuit Court of the United States, probably because the Supreme Court of the State had decided in the case of the State v. Gatzweiler, 49 Mo. 17, that the limitation clause of the act of Congress- was valid and was binding on the State court.
The third measure of relief which those statutes provided for said case was this statute of limitations, found in the seventh section of the act of 1863.
This limitation of the right of action, like the right of removal, did not depend by the terms of the statute on the validity of the authority set up by the party. In one case it is obvious that that question must be inquired into after the removal. In the other, if the action had not been brought within two years, it was immaterial; for the plaintiff could not recover, however void the authority under which defendant acted.
Had Congress power to pass such a law ? The suit being one which, under the act of Congress, could be removed into the courts of the United States, Congress could certainly prescribe for it the law of limitations for those courts. If for such actions in those courts, why not in all courts ? Otherwise there would be two rules of limitation of actions in different courts holding pleas of the same cause.
But there are other considerations which lead to the conclusion that Congress must have the right to prescribe the rule of limitations for all courts in this class of cases.
The act complained of is done for the benefit of the government by one of its officers, or by his imperative orders, which could not be resisted. If done under a necessity or a mistake, the government should not see him suffer. In such a case as the present, where the money collected went into the military chest, and was either turned over to the treasury or used to pay the military expenses of the United States, the government is bound in equity, if not legally, to repay the defendant,
vol . ex—41 p. 642if judgment goes against him, what it received, with interest and costs. It has a right to. say in such cases that the suit, which is to establish this liability, must be brought within reasonable time in whatever court it is brought, and to determine what is that reasonable time. The government which thus exposes its officers and others, acting under its compulsory exercise of power, to be sued, while not denying redress for the illegal exercise of such power, must have the authority to require that suits brought for such redress shall be commenced within reasonable time.
The question in all such cases is one that arises under the Constitution and laws of the United States, because the act questioned is one done or omitted under color of authority claimed y to be derived from the government, and, therefore, involves the consideration whether such authority did in fact, or could in law, exist. It is one, consequently, that falls within the constitutional jurisdiction of the judicial power of the United States. Hence it follows that Congress might vest that jurisdiction exclusively in the courts of the United States, and might regulate all the incidents of suits brought in any jurisdiction authorized to entertain them.
It is upon this principle that the case of Arnson v. Murphy, 109 U. S. 238, was decided. The question there was whether the statute of limitations of the State or of Congress should govern, the suit having been brought to recover for duties illegally assessed. And though the action was one properly brought originally in the State court, and which might have been tried there, it was held that as the money collected by the collector had been paid into the treasury, and the United States was responsible for the judgment which might be recovered against him, and Congress having also modified the right of action which plaintiff had at common law, the provisions of the act in regard to time of commencing the action governed the case, and that they were necessarily exclusive.
The Supreme Court of Missouri in the case of The State v. Gatzweiler, 49 Mo. 17, held that the seventh section of the act of 1863 is not only valid, but is binding on the State courts. Quoting from the case of Clark v. Dick, 1 Dillon, 8, it concurs p. 643with the Circuit Court that if Congress has the right to determine in what courts such questions must be tried, it must necessarily have the power to regulate the remedy, including the right to prescribe the time within which the suit must be brought. That court further cites from the same opinion with approval, as follows:
“Noris the objection sound that in such cases the action, if tried in the State courts, will be subject to the laws of limitations prescribed by the States, while in the federal courts a different rule would prevail. For the act of Congress by its terms applies to all cases of the character described in the statute, and we see no reason to limit its application to the federal courts. If Congress has a right to legislate on this subject, it has the right to make that legislation the law of all courts into which such a case may come, and we think they have done this in the statute under consideration.”
That a similar statute in regard to suits by or against an assignee in bankruptcy governs the State courts, see Jenkins v. The Bank, 106 IT. S. 571, and Jenkins v. Lowenthal, 110 IT. S. 222.
It is no answer to this to say that it interferes with the validity of contracts, for no provision of the Constitution prohibits Congress from doing this, as it does the States; and where the question of the power of Congress arises, as in the legal tender cases, and in bankruptcy cases, it does not depend upon the incidental effect of its exercise on contracts, but on the existence of the power itself.
In regard to the States, which are expressly forbidden to impair by legislation the obligation of contracts, it has been repeatedly held that a statute of limitation which reduces materially the time within which suit may be commenced, though passed after the contract was made, is not void if a reasonable time is left for the enforcement of the contract by suit before the statute bars that right.
Such is the case before us, for the statute leaves two years after its passage, and two years after cause of action accrued, within which suit could be brought.
It is said that the plea does not bring the case within the provisions of the act of Congress, because this is an action to recover of the defendant the rents which are due from him to the plaintiff on a contract in writing, and that the trespass committed on the defendant by order of General Schofield is no answer to plaintiff’s right under the contract.
But we are of opinion that both the language and the spirit of the statute embrace the present case.
The plea makes it plain that it was the purpose of the Schofield order to seize the debt due from defendant to plaintiff, to confiscate it for military purposes. The sum enforced from Mitchell was the precise sum due to Clark for those rents. It was to answer Clark’s obligation or default the order was made and enforced against Mitchell. He could not help himself.
It could as well be said that the garnishee in attachment is not protected when paying under the order of the court, because there was error in the proceeding against his creditor.
In all the confiscation of debts in the cases arising out of the late rebellion the same thing was done by the courts that was done here by the military power, namely, a debt due by a debtor, who was present, was seized and paid over to the United States. Can it be held that this was no proceeding against the creditor ? It cannot be denied that such a procedure, if well conducted, is a good defence. It was the purpose of this statute to make it a defence here, though done without authority, if the creditor’s right was not asserted by suit within two years.
The language of the statute is, that no suit shall be maintained unless brought within two years, for any wrongs done or committed or act omitted to be done, by virtue or under color of authority, derived from or exercised by, or under, the President. The act done here was the payment, under summary confiscation, of the debt due Clark to the military officer.
The act omitted was the omission by Mitchell, during all these years, under that order, to pay to Clark. The two years statute was intended to cover the act done by Mitchell in paying according to the order of Schofield, and the omission, in refusing to pay to Clark.
The case of Harrison n . Myers, 92 U. S. Ill, was a case where the rent due under a lease from an absconding malcontent, was seized by a military order. This court held that the lessor could not afterward insist on the contract. Uis property was seized, says the court, and the tenant was no longer responsible to him, who could no longer secure him possession, and as the lessee was obliged to render obedience to paramount authority, it was entirely competent for him to enter into a new contract to protect his interest.
It is said, however, that the Supreme Court of Missouri held the plea to be bad because it did not set out a copy of the order of General Schofield on which the defence is founded, either in hoec verba or in substance, and that this, not being a question of federal law, is sufficient to sustain the judgment of that court.
But there are several sufficient answers to this:
1. The opinion of the Supreme Court, while mentioning this objection en passant, does not decide that it is of itself sufficient to invalidate the plea.
2. It does proceed in a lengthy discussion of the plea on its merits, and rests its judgment on the ground that Congress had no power to pass the statute of limitations in question.
3. The question whether a plea sets up a sufficient defence, when the defence relied on arises under an act of Congress, does present, and that necessarily, a question of federal law; for the question is and must be, does the plea state facts which under the act of Congress constitute a good defence ?
4. In this particular matter Congress made even the manner of pleading the defence a question of federal law by the provisions of the statutes on this subject.
By section four of the act of 1863, 12 Stat. 756, it is enacted that the defence which it affords may be made by special plea or under the general issue; and by section one of the act of 1866,14 Stat. 46, that the order which shall be a sufficient defence may be written or verbal, general or special.
These provisions furnish the rules by which the manner of setting up the defence is to be governed, and they leave no doubt in our mind that the liberality which they intended to p. 646prescribe in the matter requires that the present plea of the statute of limitations, being good in substance, is sufficient in form of statement.
If the order was verbal, if it was general, if it could be given in evidence under the general issue, it is sufficiently set out in this plea as an order of General Schofield, in command of that military department, under which defendant was compelled to pay to that officer’s subordinate the rent he owed to plaintiff.
In the case of Bean v. Beckwith, 18 Wall. 510, the defendants did not rely upon the statute of limitations of 1863, but pleaded as a special defence that one of them was a provost-marshal, and the other acted under his orders; and that they both acted under the authority and by the order of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. But whether there was in that case a special order of the President to the provost-marshal, or whether he assumed to arrest and imprison the plaintiff under some proclamation or general order, did not appear by the plea, and as it was a case of arrest and imprisonment this court held that the authority of the defendants to make it should be specifically set forth.
That is not the present case, for the defendant here did as he was compelled to by others, and probably never saw the order under which he was forced to pay the money, and has not now within his control the order under which the officer acted. He has, besides, given with sufficient clearness the substance of General Schofield’s order to enable plaintiff to deny its existence, if he can, or to make any other reply appropriate to the merits of the case, and if the order was verbal no better statement of it can be exacted.
We concur in the opinion of the lower courts in Missouri that the plea of the statute of limitations is a good plea and is sufficiently set out; and for the error in sustaining the demurrer to this plea
The judgment of the Supreme Court of Missouri is reversed, and the case remanded to that court for further proceedings, not inconsistent with this opinion.
Me . Just ice Fiel d , dissenting.
I cannot agree with my associates in the judgment in this case.
I know of no law that was ever enacted in the United States, which would justify a military officer in enforcing the payment to him of a debt due from one loyal citizen to another loyal citizen, neither being in the military service, or residing in a State declared to be in insurrection, or in which the courts of law were not open and in the peaceful exercise of their jurisdiction. Such a law, in my opinion—I say it with respect—would dishonor the statute-book of the United States; and that which has never been enacted by .legislative power can never be rightly adjudged to exist by a judicial tribunal.
The averment of the answer that the payment was enforced as a means of carrying on military operations by the United States, we know to be untrue. At that time the government appropriated the requisite funds to prosecute the war, and our legislation and history show that no plundering of loyal citizens in loyal States, nor any forced contribution from them, was ever ordered or sanctioned by public authority.
The enforced payment in question could, therefore, be no defence to the claim of the plaintiff. And it is difficult to understand how the act of Congress of March 3d, 1863, 12 Stat. 755, or the amendatory act of May 11, 1866, 14 Stat. 46, fixing a limitation to actions against military officers for certain acts done by them during the war, or against parties acting under their direction, can be invoked in this case. The fourth section of the act of March 3d, 1863, makes the order or authority of the President a defence only to actions “ for any search, seizure, arrest, or imprisonment made, done, or committed, or acts omitted to be done, under and by virtue of such order or under color of any law of Congress.” It has reference to acts affecting the person or such property as is subject to physical seizure. It does not apply to actions for breaches of contract between citizens in loyal States, or to any questions arising out of such contracts. Debts being intangible things, were incapable of seizure in any proper sense of that term; and the debtors were not discharged from liability because of p. 648an unlawful exaction from them of equivalent sums. What was thus exacted could under no circumstances be regarded as anything more than a forced loan. By no possible alchemy could it be converted into the payment of their debt to another. Its effect upon others was not a matter which concerned the military officer. His object, according to the defendant’s theory, was to raise funds for military operations; if so the relations of debtor to creditor were not affected by his exactions from one of them. Williams v. Bruffy, 96 U. S. 176,187. The debt of the defendants to the plaintiff was not thereby discharged; it is still owing. It can only be discharged when paid to him or to others by his direction. Independently of this consideration, the statute cannot be construed to give protection to any one in the commission of unlawful acts. Neither the President nor Congress can confer immunity for acts committed in violation of the rights of citizens. An army in the enemy’s country may do all things allowed by the rules of civilized warfare, and its officers and soldiers will be responsible only to their own government. But in loyal States, or in such parts as are not in insurrection, or declared to be so, and in which the courts are open, the rights of citizens are just as much under constitutional security and protection in time of war as in time of peace. Because civil war was raging in one part of the country the constitutional guaranties of the rights of person and property were not suspended where no such war existed. We sometimes hear the opposite doctrine advanced; but it has no warrant in the principles of the common law, or in the language of the Constitution. As I observed on a former occasion, our system of civil polity is not such a rickety and ill-jointed structure that when one part is disturbed the whole is thrown into confusion and jostled to its foundation. The existence of insurrection and war in other States than Missouri, or in parts of that State distant from St. Louis, did not suspend the Constitution or any of its guaranties in that city. . No proclamation of the President had ever declared Missouri to be in a state of insurrection, and it is a matter within our judicial knowledge that St. Louis, so far from being the theatre of actual warfare, was a city where supplies were p. 649collected for military operations in other quarters, and where the courts were in the undisturbed exercise of their jurisdiction. It is true that where rebellion exists, and the public safety requires it, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus may be suspended, and to that extent one of the safeguards of the right of personal liberty may be withdrawn, but this suspension in no respect affects the claims of private citizens against each other arising out of contracts between them, or the means of their enforcement. The Constitution does not forbid, during such suspension or by reason of it, the institution of suits for such claims, or authorize Congress to forbid it.
Congress may provide for indemnifying those who, in great emergencies, acting under pressing necessities for the public, invade private rights in support of the authority of the government ; but between acts of indemnity in such cases, and the attempt to deprive the citizen of his right to compensation for wrongs committed against him or his property, or to enforce contract obligations, there is a wide difference, which cannot be disregarded without a plain violation of the Constitution.
As the fourth section of the act of 1863 refers only to seizures, arrests and imprisonments committed, or acts omitted, by order or authority of the President, or under color of an act of Congress, it has no bearing upon actions for breaches of contract between citizens. The seventh section, fixing a limitation to actions for such arrests, imprisonment and other trespasses, does not therefore apply to the case before us. And the amendatory act of 1866 only extends the benefit of the limitation to actions for similar acts or omissions, when committed by a person acting under the order of the President, or the Secretary of War, or of a military commander. It does not, any more than the act of 1863, govern actions for breaches of contract between private parties. Could it be construed to embrace a case like the present, it would clearly be unconstitutional. The right of a lessor to sue his lessees for breach of contract, is in no way dependent upon any act or authority of Congress. It is a matter purely of State concern, and Congress can no more declare within what time he shall sue for his rent, than it can prescribe the court in which the action shall be p. 650brought, or the form of the proceedings by which it shall be conducted. Its power to fix a limitation to actions can apply only to such as are in the first instance brought in the courts of the United States, and to those wherein the right or interest claimed depends upon a law of Congress. If such a law gives the right or interest claimed, it may prescribe the time in which it shall be asserted, but not otherwise. It would hardly be pretended that Congress can enlarge the time prescribed by the State for bringing in her courts actions upon contracts; and if it cannot enlarge, how can it limit the time ? Indeed, it cannot be held that Congress may interpose a limitation to the right of enforcing in the courts of a State debts existing between her citizens, unless it be also held that, as to all actions in State tribunals, it can say when they may and when they may not be brought. It will be long, I trust, before the States will become thus helpless to enforce in their own tribunals contracts between their own citizens.
The argument of the court, in its opinion, is substantially this:—an action in which a defence under an act of Congress is set up may be removed from a State court to a federal court; therefore Congress may prescribe the law of limitation for it in the latter court; and if in that court, it may in all courts, as otherwise there would be two rules of limitations of actions in different courts holding pleas of the same cause. It is easy to see that this mode of reasoning would necessarily lead to the conclusion that Congress may prescribe the limitation to all actions in State courts between citizens, because actions commenced there may be removed to a federal court when they are between citizens of different States; and, on the assumption of the argument, Congress may prescribe the law of limitation for such cases in the federal court; and if in that court, it may, says the opinion, in all courts, as otherwise there would be two rules of limitations of actions upon the same causes in different courts, one if the action remain in the State court and another if it be removed to the federal court. The length to which the argument leads proves the error of the assumption on which it is founded. The true doctrine is the reverse of this; the limitation of actions in the State courts for p. 651the enforcement of rights which are not dependent upon acts of Congress or upon the Constitution, is a matter purely of State regulation, which the federal courts must follow when such actions are transferred to them. The object of the Constitution in extending the judicial power of the United States to controversies between citizens of different States, was to avoid, what was at the time of its adoption apprehended, the existence of State attachments and State prejudices, which might injuriously affect the administration of justice in the State courts against non-residents. To carry out this purpose the Judiciary Act provides for the removal to a Federal court of actions commenced in a State court involving such controversies. It has no other object ; and the removal in no respect affects the rights of the parties, either the claims on the one hand or the defences on the other. Only the tribunal and, in some respects, the modes of procedure are changed. The limitations prescribed by the State law govern in both tribunals.
EX PARTE YARBROUGH, Petitioner.
ORIGINAL.
Argued January 23d, 24th, 1884.—Decided March 3d, 1884.
Constitutional Law—Indictment—Jurisdiction.
This court has no general authority to review on error or appeal the judgments of Circuit Courts in cases within their criminal jurisdiction.
When a prisoner is held under sentence of a court of the United States in a matter wholly beyond the jurisdiction of that court, it is within the authority of the Supreme Court, when the matter is properly brought to its attention, to inquire into it, and to discharge the prisoner if it be found that the matter was not within the jurisdiction of the court below.
Errors of law committed by a Circuit Court which passed sentence upon a prisoner, cannot be inquired into in a proceeding on an application for habeas corpus to test the jurisdiction of the court which passed sentence. An indictment which charges in the first count that the defendants conspired to intimidate A. B., a citizen of African descent, in the exercise of his right to vote for a member of the Congress of the United States, and that in the execution of that conspiracy they beat, bruised, wounded, and otherwise p. 652maltreated him ; and in the second count that they did this on account of his race, color, and previous condition of servitude, by going in disguise and assaulting him on the public highway and on his own premises, contains a sufficient description of an offence embraced within, the provisions of §§ 5508, 5520 Rev. Stat.
In construing the Constitution of the United States, the doctrine that what is implied is as much a part of the instrument as what is expressed is a necessity by reason of the inherent inability to put all derivative powers into words.
§ 4 of article I. of the Constitution, which declares that “ the times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof, but the Congress may at any time make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing senators,” adopts the State qualification as the federal qualification for the voter ; but his right to vote is based upon the Constitution and not upon the State law, and Congress has the constitutional power to pass laws for the free, pure and safe exercise of this right.
Although it is true that the Fifteenth Amendment gives no affirmative right to the negro to vote, yet there are cases, some of which are stated by the court, in which it substantially confers that right upon him. United States v. Reese, 92 U. S. 214, qualified and explained. ’
• Petition for a writ of habeas corpus for the release of several persons convicted, sentenced and imprisoned for conspiracy to intimidate a person of African descent from voting at an election for a member of Congress. The facts making the case appear in the opinion of the court.
Mr. Henry B. Tompkins for petitioner.
Mr. Solicitor-General opposing.
Mb . Jus tice Millee delivered the opinion of the court.
This case originates in this court by an application for a writ of habeas corpus on the part of Jasper Yarbrough and seven other persons, who allege that they are confined by the jailer of Fulton County, in the custody of the United States marshal for the Northern District of Georgia, and that the trial, conviction, and sentence in the Circuit Court of the United States for that district, under which they are held, were illegal, null and void.
The court, on the filing of this petition, issued a rule on the p. 653marshal, or on any person in whose custody the prisoners might be found, to show cause why the writ of habeas corpus should not issue for their release.
It appears, by the returns made to this rule, that the sentence of the court which ordered their imprisonment in the Albany penitentiary in the State of New York, at hard labor for a term of two years, has been so far executed that they are now in that prison. The rule having been served on John McEwan, superintendent of the penitentiary, he makes return that he holds the prisoners by virtue of the sentence of the Circuit Court for the Northern District of Georgia, and annexes to his return a transcript of the proceeding in that court.
As this return is precisely the same that the superintendent would make if the writ of habeas corpus had been served on him, the court here can determine the right of the prisoners to be released on this rule to show cause, as correctly and with more convenience in the administration of justice, than if the prisoners were present under the writ in the custody of the superintendent; and such is the practice of this court.
That this court has no general authority to review on error or appeal the judgments of the Circuit Courts of the United States in cases within their criminal jurisdiction is beyond question; but it is equally well settled that when a prisoner is held under the sentence of any court of the United States in regard to a matter wholly beyond or without the jurisdiction of that court, it is not only within the authority of the Supreme Court, but it is its duty to inquire into the cause of commitment when the matter is properly brought to its attention, and if found to be as charged, a matter of which such a court had no jurisdiction, to discharge a prisoner from confinement. Ex parte Kearney, I Wheat. 38; Ex parte Wells, 18 How. 307; Expa/rte Lange, 18 Wall. 163; Ex parte Parks, 93 U. S. 18.
It is, however, to be carefully observed that this latter principle does not authorize the court to convert the writ of habeas corpus into a writ of error, by which the errors of law committed by the court that passed the sentence can be reviewed here; for if that court had jurisdiction of the party and of the offence for which he was tried, and has not exceeded its p. 654powers in the sentence which it pronounced, this court can inquire no further.
This principle disposes of the argument made before us on the insufficiency of the indictments under which the prisoners in this case were tried.
Whether the indictment sets forth in comprehensive terms the offence which the statute describes and forbids, and for which it prescribes a punishment, is in every case a question of law, which must necessarily be decided by the court in which the case originates, and is therefore clearly within its jurisdiction.
Its decision on the conformity of the indictment to the provisions of the statute may be erroneous, but if so it is an error of law made by a court acting within its jurisdiction, which could be corrected on a writ of error if such writ was allowed, but which cannot be looked into on a writ of habeas corpus limited to an inquiry into the existence of jurisdiction on the part of that court.
This, however, leaves for consideration the more important question—the one mainly relied on by counsel for petitioners—whether the law of Congress, as found in the Revised Statutes of the United States, under which the prisoners are held, is warranted by the Constitution, or being without such warrant, is null and void.
If the law which defines the offence and prescribes its punishment is void, the court was without jurisdiction and the prisoners must be discharged.
Though several different sections of the Revised Statutes are brought into the discussion as the foundation of the indictments found in the record, we think only two of them demand our attention here, namely, sections 5508 and 5520. They are in the following language:
“ Sec . 5508. If two or more persons conspire to injure, oppress, threaten, or intimidate any citizen in the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution oi lav s of the United States, or because of his having so exercised the same,
.Opinion of the Court. *
or if two or more persons go in disguise on the highway, or on the premises of another, with intent to prevent or hinder his free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege so secured, they shall be fined not more than five thousand dollars and imprisoned not more than ten years ; and shall, moreover, be thereafter ineligible to any office or place of honor, profit, or trust created by the Constitution or laws of the United States.
“Sec . 5520. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire to prevent by force, intimidation, or threat, any citizen who is lawfully entitled to vote, from giving his support or advocacy, in a legal manner, toward or in favor of the election of any lawfully qualified person, as an elector for President or Vice President, or as a member of the Congress of the United States ; or to injure any citizen in person or property on account of such support or advocacy ; each of such persons shall be punished by a fine of not less than five hundred nor more than five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment, with or without hard labor, not less than six months nor more than six years, or by both such fine and imprisonment.”
The indictments, four in number, on which petitioners were tried, charge in each one, all of the defendants with a conspiracy under these sections, directed against a different person in each indictment. On the trial the cases were consolidated, and as each indictment is in the identical language of all the others, except as to the name of the person assaulted and the date of the transaction, the copy which is here presented will answer for all of them:
“We, the grand jurors of the United States, chosen, selected, and sworn in and for the Northern District of Georgia, upon our oaths, present : That heretofore, to wit, on the twenty-fifth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighty-three, Jasper Yarbrough, James Yarbrough, Dilmus Yarbrough, Neal Yarbrough, Lovel Streetman, Bold Emory, State Lemmons, Jake Hayes, and E. H. Green, all late of said Northern District of Georgia, did, within the said Northern District of Georgia, and within the jurisdiction of this court, commit the offence of conspiracy, for that the said Jasper Yarbrough, James Yarbrough, Dilmus Yarbrough, Neal p. 656Yarbrough, Lovel Streetman, Bold Emory, State Lemmons, Jake Hayes, and E. H. Green did then and there, at the time and place aforesaid, combine, conspire, and confederate together, by force, to injure, oppress, threaten, and intimidate Berry Saunders, a person of color and a citizen of the United States of America of African descent, on account of his race, color, and previous condition of servitude, in the full exercise and enjoyment of the right and privilege of suffrage in the election of a lawfully qualified person as a member of the Congress of the United States of America, and because the said Berry Saunders had so exercised the same, and on account of such exercise, which said right and privilege of suffrage was secured to the said Berry Saunders by the Constitution and laws of the United States of America, the said Berry Saunders being then and there lawfully entitled to vote in said election, and having so then and there conspired the said Jasper Yarbrough, James Yarbrough, Dilmus Yarbrough, Neal Yarbrough, Lovel Streetman, Bold Emory, State Lemmons, Jake Hayes, and E. H. Green did unlawfully, feloniously, and wilfully bod't, bruise, wound, and maltreat the said Berry Saunders,^contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the United States of America.
“ Second Count.—And the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, do further present: That heretofore, to wit, on the twenty-fifth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighty-three, Jasper Yarbrough, James Yarbrough, Dilmus Yarbrough, Neal Yarbrough, Lovel Streetman, Bold Emory, State Lemmons, Jake Hayes, and E. H. Green, all late of said Northern District of Georgia, within the said Northern District of Georgia and within the jurisdiction of this court, did commit the offence of conspiracy, forthat the said Jasper Yarbrough, James Yarbrough, Dilmus Yarbrough, Neal Yarbrough, Lovel Streetman, Bold Emory, State Lemmons, Jake Hayes, and E. H. Green, having then and there conspired together, by force, to injure, oppress, threaten, and intimidate Berry Saunders, a person of color and a citizen of the United States of America of African descent, on account of his race, color, and previous condition of servitude, did then and there unlawfully, wilfully, and feloniously go in disguise on the highway, and on the premises of Berry Saunders, with the intent to prevent and hinder his free exercise and p. 657enjoyment of the right to vote at an election for a lawfully qualified person as a member of the Congress of the United States of America, which said right had. then and there been guaranteed to the said Berry Saunders by the Constitution and. laws of the United States of America, the said Berry Saunders being then and there lawfully qualified to vote at said election ; and having so conspired, with intent as aforesaid, the said Jasper Yarbrough, James Yarbrough, Dilmus Yarbrough, Neal Yarbrough, Lovel Streetman, Bold Emory, State Lemmons, Jake Hayes, and E. H. Green did then and there beat, bruise, wound, and maltreat the said Berry Saunders, contrary to the form of the statute in such case made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the United States of America.
“Emory Spe er , U. & Atty. “A true bill. Oct. 12th, 1883.
“ J. C. Kirkp atr ick , Foreman.”
Stripped of its technical verbiage, the offence charged in this indictment is that the defendants conspired to intimidate Berry Saunders, a citizen of African descent, in the exercise of his right to vote for a member of the Congress of the United States, and in the execution of that conspiracy they beat, bruised, wounded and otherwise maltreated him; and in the second count that they did this on account of his race, color, and previous condition of servitude, by going in disguise and assaulting him on the public highway and on his own premises.
If the question were not concluded in this court, as we have already seen that it is by the decision of the Circuit Court, we entertain no doubt that the conspiracy here described is one which is embraced within the provisions of the Revised Statutes which we have cited.
That a government whose essential character is republican, whose executive head and legislative body are both elective, whose most numerous and powerful branch of the legislature is elected by the people directly, has no power by appropriate laws to secure this election from the influence of violence, of corruption, and of fraud, is a proposition so startling as to arrest attention and demand the gravest consideration.
If this government is anything more than a mere aggregation of delegated agents of other States and governments, each
vol . ex—42 p. 658of which, is superior to the general government, it must have the power to protect the elections on which its existence depends from violence and corruption.
If it has not this power it is left helpless before the two great natural and historical enemies of all republics, open violence and insidious corruption.
The proposition that it has no such power is supported by the old argument often heard, often repeated, and in this court never assented to, that when a question of the power of Congress arises the advocate of the power must be able to place his finger on words which expressly grant it. The brief of counsel before us, though directed to the authority of that body to pass criminal laws, uses the same language. Because there is no express power to provide for preventing violence exercised on the voter as a means of controlling his vote, no such law can be enacted. It destroys at one blow, in construing the Constitution of the United States, the doctrine universally applied to all instruments of writing, that what is implied is as much a part of the instrument as what is expressed. This principle, in its application to the Constitution of the United States, more than to almost any other writing, is a necessity, by reason of the inherent inability to put into words all derivative powers—a difficulty which the instrument itself recognizes by conferring on Congress the authority to pass all laws necessary and proper to carry into execution the powers expressly granted and all other powers vested in the government or any branch of it by the Constitution. Article I., sec. 8, clause 18.
We know of no express authority to pass laws to punish theft or burglary of the treasury of the United States. Is there therefore no power in the Congress to protect the treasury by punishing such theft and burglary ?
Are the mails of the United States and the money carried in them to be left to the mercy of robbers and of thieves who may handle the mail because the Constitution contains no express words of power in Congress to enact laws for the punishment of those offences ? The principle, if sound, would abolish the entire criminal jurisdiction of the courts of the United States and the laws which confer that jurisdiction.
It is said that the States can pass the necessary law on this subject, and no necessity exists for such action by Congress. But the existence of State laws punishing the counterfeiting of the coin of the United States has never been held to supersede the acts of Congress passed for that purpose, or to justify the United States in failing to enforce its own laws to protect the circulation of the coin which it issues.
It is very true that while Congress at an early day passed criminal laws to punish piracy with death, and for punishing all ordinary offences against person and property committed within the District of Columbia, and in forts, arsenals, and other places within the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, it was slow to pass laws protecting officers of the government from personal injuries inflicted while in discharge of their official duties within the States. This was not for want of power, but because no occasion had arisen which required such legislation, the remedies in the State courts for personal violence having proved sufficient.
Perhaps the earliest attempt of Congress to protect government officers while in the exercise of their duty in a hostile community, grew out of the nullification ordinance of South Carolina, and is found in the “ Act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports.” That act gave a right of action in the courts of the United States to any officer engaged in the collection of customs who should receive any injury to his person or property for or on account of any act done by him under any law of the United States for the protection of the revenues. And where any suit or prosecution should be commenced against him in a State court on account of any act done under the revenue laws of the United States, or under color thereof, the case might, on his petition, at any time before trial, be removed into the Circuit Court of the United States. Act of ^arch 2d, 1833, 4 Stat. 632.
When early in the late civil war the enforcement of the acts of Congress for obtaining soldiers by draft brought the officers engaged in it into hostile neighborhoods, it was found necessary to pass laws for their protection. Accordingly, in 1863, an act was passed making it a criminal offence to assault or p. 660obstruct any officer while engaged in making the draft or in any service in relation thereto. 12 Stat. 731. And the next year the act was amended by making it applicable to the enrolment and resistance made thereto, and adding that if any assault on any officer or other person engaged in making such enrolment shall result in death, it shall be murder and punished accordingly. 13 Stat. 8, § 12. Under this statute Scott was found guilty of murder in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Indiana, and the case was brought here by a certificate of division of opinion.
It was not doubted for a moment by court or counsel that Congress had the power to pass these statutes, but it was held that serving notice of a draft, in doing which the man was killed, was not a service in the enrolment as charged in the indictment. • Scott n . United States, 3 Wall. 642.
In the case of United States v. Gleason, Woolworth, 128, the defendant was convicted and sentenced to death for the murder of an enrolling officer while engaged in making the enrolment, and his sentence being commuted to imprisonment for life, he died in the Iowa penitentiary while undergoing the modified sentence. It was never suggested that Congress had no power to pass the law under which he was convicted.
So, also, has the Congress been slow to exercise the powers expressly conferred upon it in relation to elections by the fourth section of the first article of the Constitution.
This section declares that: .
“ The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing senators.
It was not until 1842 that Congress took any action under the power here conferred, when, conceiving thgt the system of electing all the members of the House of Representatives from a State by general ticket, as it was called, that is, every elector voting for as many names as the State was entitled to representatives in that house, worked injustice to other States which did not adopt that system, and gave an undue preponderance p. 661of power to the political party which had a majority of votes in the State, however small, enacted that each member should be elected by a separate district, composed of contiguous territory. 5 Stat. 491.
And to remedy more than one evil arising from the election of members of Congress occurring at different times in the different States, Congress, by the act of February 2, 1872, thirty years later, required all the elections for such members to be held on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November in 1876, and on the same day of every second year thereafter.
The frequent failures of the legislatures of the States to elect senators at the proper time, by one branch of the legislature voting for one person and the other branch for another person, and refusing in any manner to reconcile their differences, led Congress to pass an act which compelled the two bodies to meet in joint convention, and fixing the day when this should be done, and requiring them so to meet on every day thereafter and vote for a senator until one was elected.
In Eke manner Congress has fixed a, day, which is to be the same in all the States, when the electors for President and Vice-President shall be appointed.
Now the day fixed for electing members of Congress has been established by Congress without regard to the time set for election of State officers in each State, and but for the fact that the State legislatures have, for their own accommodation, required State elections to be held at the same time, these elections would be held for congressmen alone at the time fixed by the act of Congress.
Will it be denied that it is in the power of that body to provide laws for the proper conduct of those elections? To provide, if necessary, the officers who shall conduct them and make return of the result ? And especially to provide, in an election held under its own authority, for security of life and limb to the voter while in the exercise of this function ? Can it be doubted that Congress can by law protect the act of voting, the place where it is done, and the man who votes, from personal violence or intimidation and the election itself from corruption and fraud ?
If this be so, and it is not doubted, are such powers annulled' because an election for State officers is held at the same time and place ? Is it any less important that the election of members of Congress should be the free Choice of all the electors because State officers are to be elected at the same time ? Ex parte Siebold, 100 IT. S. 371.
These questions answer themselves; and it is only because the Congress of the United States, through long habit and long years of forbearance, has, in deference and respect to the States, refrained from the exercise of these powers, that they are now doubted.
But when, in the pursuance of a new demand for action, that body, as it did in the cases just enumerated, finds it necessary to make additional laws for the free, the pure, and the safe exercise of this right of voting, they stand upon the same ground and are to be upheld for the same reasons.
It is said that the parties assaulted in these cases are not officers of the United States, and their protection in exercising the right to vote by Congress does not stand on the same ground.
But the distinction is not well taken. The power in either case arises out of the circumstance that the function in which the party is engaged or the right which he is about to exercise is dependent on the laws of the United States.
In both cases it is the duty of that government to see that he may exercise this right freely, and to protect him from violence while so doing, or on account of so doing. This duty does not arise solely from the interest of the party concerned, but from the necessity of the government itself, that its service shall be free from the adverse influence of force and fraud practised on its agents, and that the votes by which its members of Congress and its President are elected shall be the free votes of the electors, and the officers thus chosen the free and uncorrupted choice of those who have the right to take part in that choice.
This proposition answers also another objection to the constitutionality of the laws under consideration, namely, that the right to vote for a member of Congress is not dependent upon p. 663the Constitution or laws of the United States, but is governed by the law of each State respectively.
If this were conceded, the importance to the general government of having the actual election—the voting for those members—free from force and fraud is not diminished by the circumstance that the qualification of the voter is determined by the law of the State where he votes. It equally affects the government, it is as indispensable to the proper discharge of the great function of legislating for that government, that those who are to control this legislation shall not owe their election to bribery or violence, whether the class of persons who shall vote is determined by the law of the State, or by law of the United States, or by their united result. X 4
But it is not correct to say that the right to vote for a member of Congress does not depend on the Constitution of the United States.
The office, if it be properly called an office, is created by that Constitution and by that alone. It also declares how it shall be filled, namely, by election.
Its language is :
“'The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.” Article I., section 2.
The States in prescribing the qualifications of voters for the most numerous branch of their own legislatures, do not do this with reference to the election for members of Congress. Nor can they prescribe the qualification for voters for those eo nomine. They define who are to vote for the popular branch of their own legislature, and the Constitution of the United States says the same persons shall vote for members of Congress in that State. It adopts the qualification thus furnished as the qualification of its own electors for members of Congress.
It is not true, therefore, that electors for members of Congress owe their right to vote to the State law in any sense p. 664which, makes the exercise of the right to depend exclusively on the law of the State.
Counsel for petitioners, seizing upon the expression found in the opinion of the court in the case of Minor v. Happersett, 21 Wall. .162, that “the Constitution of the United States does not confer the right of suffrage upon any one,” without reference to the connection in which it is used, insists that the voters in this case do not owe their right to vote in any sense to that instrument.
But the court was combating the argument that this right was conferred on all citizens, and therefore upon women as well as men.
In opposition to that idea, it was said the Constitution adopts as the qualification for voters of members of Congress that which prevails in the State where the voting is to be done ; therefore, said the opinion, the right is not definitely conferred on any person or class of persons by the Constitution alone, because you have to look to the law of the State for the description of the class. But the court did not intend to say that when the class or the person is thus ascertained, his right to vote for a member of Congress was not fundamentally based upon the Constitution, which created the office of member of Congress, and declared it should be elective, and pointed to the means of ascertaining who should be electors.
The Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitution, by its limitation on the power of the States in the exercise of their right to prescribe the qualifications of voters in their own elections, and by its limitation of the power of the United States over that subject, clearly shows that the right of suffrage was considered to be of supreme importance to the national government, and was not intended to be left within the exclusive control of the States. It is in the following language :
“ Sec . 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.
“ Sec . 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”
While it is quite true, as was said by this court in United States v. Reese, 92 U. S. 214, that this article gives no affirmative right to the colored man to vote, and is designed primarily to prevent discrimination against him whenever the right to vote may be granted to others, it is easy to see that under some circumstances it may operate as the immediate source of a right to vote. In all cases where the former slave-holding States had not removed from their Constitutions the words “ white man ” as a qualification for voting, this provision did, in effect, confer on him the right to vote, because, being paramount to the State law, and a part of the State law, it annulled the discriminating word white, and thus left him in the enjoyment of the same right as white persons. And such would be the effect of any future constitutional provision of a State which should give the right of voting exclusively to white people, whether they be men or women. Neal v. Delaware, 103 U. S. 370.
In such cases this fifteenth article of amendment does, proprio rigore, substantially confer on the negro the right to vote, and Congress has the power to protect and enforce that right.
In the case of United States n . Reese, so much relied on by counsel, this court said in regard to the Fifteenth Amendment, that “ it has invested the citizens of the United States with a new constitutional right which is within the protecting power of Congress. That right is an exemption from discrimination m the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” This new constitutional right was mainly designed for citizens of African descent. The principle, however, that the protection of the exercise of this right is within the power of Congress, is as necessary to the right of other citizens to vote as to the colored citizen, and to the right to vote in general as to the right to be protected against discrimination.
The exercise of the right in both instances is guaranteed by the Constitution, and should be kept free and pure by congressional enactments whenever that is necessary.
The reference to cases in this court in which the power of Congress under the first section of the Fourteenth p. 666Amendment has been, held to relate alone to acts done under State authority, can afford petitioners no aid in the present case. For, while it may be true that acts which are mere invasions of private rights, which acts have no sanction in the statutes of a State, or which are not committed by any one exercising its authority, are not within the scope of that amendment, it is quite a different matter when Congress undertakes to protect the citizen in the exercise of rights conferred by the Constitution of the United States essential to the healthy organization of the government itself.
But is a waste of time to seek for specific sources of the power to pass these laws. Chancellor Kent, in the opening words of that part of his commentaries which treats of the government and constitutional jurisprudence of the United States, says:
“ The government of the United States was created by the free voice and joint will of the people of America for their common defence and general welfare. Its powers apply to those great interests which relate to this country in its national capacity, and which depend for their protection on the consolidation of the Union. It is clothed with the principal attributes of political sovereignty, and it is justly deemed the guardian of our best rights, the source of our highest civil and political duties, and the sure means of national greatness.” 1 Kent’s Com. 201.
It is as essential to the successful working of this government that the great organisms of its executive and legislative branches should be the free choice of the people as that the original form of it should be so. In absolute governments, where the monarch is the source of all power, it is still held to be important that the exercise of that power shall be free from the influence of extraneous violence and internal corruption.
In a republican government, like ours, where political power is reposed in representatives of the entire body of the people, chosen at short intervals by popular elections, the temptations to control these elections by violence and by corruption is a constant source of danger.
Such has been the history of all republics, and, though ours p. 667lias been comparatively free from both, these evils in the past, no lover of his country can shut his eyes to the fear of future danger from both sources.
If the recurrence of such acts as these prisoners stand convicted of are too common in one quarter of the country, and give omen of danger from lawless violence, the free use of money in elections, arising from the vast growth of recent wealth in other quarters, presents equal cause for anxiety.
If the government of the United States has within its constitutional domain no authority to provide against these evils, if the very sources of power may be poisoned by corruption or controlled by violence and outrage, without legal restraint, then, indeed, is the country in danger, and its best powers, its highest purpose«, the hopes which it inspires, and the love which enshrines it, are at the mercy of the combinations of those who respect no right but brute force, on the one hand, and unprincipled corruptionists on the other.
The rule is discharged, and the writ of hdbaes corpus is denied.